This piece appeared in India Together under the title "The missing market for agriculture".
India’s farmers face an existential crisis. Dramatic protests, demands for loan waivers and mounting suicides are symptomatic.
India’s farmers face an existential crisis. Dramatic protests, demands for loan waivers and mounting suicides are symptomatic.
Fundamentally, the crisis stems from the routinely
low returns from agriculture even after a normal monsoon. Then there are risks
to even obtaining these low returns. While drought or pest attacks can decimate
returns, ironically, so can a bumper crop.
Markets are supposed to help find a price
that works for both the producer and the consumer. Economic theory presupposes
that a producer will produce something only if he can make a profit by selling
it in the market at the prevalent price. This does not seem to apply to the
Indian farmer.
A few examples will illustrate.
The
struggle to recover cost
Take Maharashtra, a hotbed of farmer’s
protests. The Indian Express (Apr 15, 2018) reports
that in Maharashtra with the exception of Soyabean all commodities are trading
below the Minimum Support Price (MSP) fixed by the government.
Farmers sell their produce mainly in yards
of designated agricultural markets. The government run ‘agmarknet’ portal provides
price information from agricultural markets across the country on different
agricultural commodities. A visit to the portal shows
that the market price of food grains, oil seeds and pulses is routinely below MSP.
Tracking the details of a specific commodity
provides more insight.
Tur (Arhar) dal
is an important part of the diet in both South and North India. Production is
insufficient to meet local demand and India regularly imports Tur. Karnataka is
a major producer with Kalaburgi district accounting for most of the produce.
The harvest is brought to the wholesale markets starting January. The MSP has
been set at Rs 5450/quintal by the central government, while the state government
has fixed a higher support price of Rs 6000/quintal, making good the difference
from its resources.
Following a relatively good monsoon, the ‘modal’
prices registered at the wholesale market in Kalaburgi in Jan 2018 were in the
Rs 4100-4200 range. Transactions happen over a price spread around the ‘modal’
price and there will be many farmers getting lower than the reported ‘modal’
price.
What does it mean to get a price below MSP?
The MSP declared by the government is based
on the recommendations of the ‘Commission on Agricultural Costs and Prices’
(website: https://cacp.dacnet.nic.in/
). The Commission is asked to recommend the MSP based on the total cost of
production including input costs, labour and capital employed as well as other
considerations such as demand and supply, inter-crop parity, etc.
In the case
of Tur dal, the production costs for
2017-18 work out to Rs 4612/quintal and the recommended MSP is Rs 5450/quintal,
18% above production costs. When farmers get paid significantly less than the MSP,
they may not even be recovering the cost of inputs.
Why
the MSP provides no price support
The government appointed ‘National
Commission on Farmers’ headed by the well known agricultural scientist, Dr Swaminathan
recommended way back in 2006 that MSP should be fixed at 50% above the cost of
production to allow for a decent margin for the farmer. The present government announced
in the 2018 budget that it would fix MSP’s according to this recommendation. There
is no clarity yet on how or when it will do it.
The MSP as it is currently fixed has barely
enough margins built in for a small farmer to survive. However, the central
government does not adequately support even this MSP.
Firstly, a commodity may have an announced
MSP, but will not be procured unless it is also a commodity distributed through
the PDS.
Secondly, the government places limits on
how much can be procured on certain crops and procures selectively in certain
regions. Returning to our example of Tur dal,
because of these restrictions, each farmer in Karnataka can sell only a maximum
of 20 quintals at MSP to the state agencies as reported
in the Hindu (Feb 3, 2018).
Drilling further into government
procurement reveals some of these details.
The NSSO survey of farming households, ‘Key
Indicators of Situation of Agricultural Households in India, NSS 70th
round, Dec 2014’ (NSS70), reports
the estimates of procurement by government and co-operatives at MSP and these
are captured in the table.
Share of crop on sale procured by government and
co-operatives at MSP (Data from NSS 70th round, 2014)
|
||
%age of crop
|
%age of
farmer beneficiaries
|
|
Sugarcane
|
52
|
39
|
Wheat
|
19
|
3
|
Paddy
|
14
|
4
|
Maize
|
9
|
1
|
Cotton
|
7
|
5
|
Groundnut
|
3
|
2
|
Onion
|
3
|
1
|
The table shows the relatively high procurement in sugarcane,
wheat and paddy. The procurement in commodities not appearing in the table
including Tur dal was 1% or less of
the total produce on offer for sale. These numbers provide an idea of
commodities with some price support and commodities where MSP is just a number.
There is another number of interest - the
percentage of farmers selling a particular commodity who are able to get the
benefit of sale at MSP to government. From the table, it can be seen that this
is always lower than the percentage of produce procured indicating that larger
farmers have better access to government procurement.
The contrast between the percentage of
farmers selling to government agencies and percentage of produce procured is particularly
striking in the case of wheat, paddy, maize and onion. This is because
procurement in these crops is concentrated in regions with large scale
production where there are also large farmers specializing in the crop.
Punjab
and Haryana currently account for nearly 50% of the paddy and 70% of the wheat
procured. This means that even for commodities with price support, the support
may be available only in some regions. In February 2018, both paddy and wheat were
selling below MSP in many markets of Karnataka.
The unjustifiable
cost of intermediation
There is another revealing characteristic
of India’s agricultural markets. This is the huge spread between the price
realized by the farmers and the price paid by consumers. Returning to the
example of Tur dal, in Jan 2018, while farmers were getting paid Rs 41/kg,
consumers were paying almost double, Rs 79/kg in Bengaluru, according to the
state civil supplies price monitoring cell.
This spread is not warranted by the value
added by the middlemen in the agricultural supply chain. It means that the
middlemen – primarily commission agents, traders and wholesale merchants – are
able to control prices paid to the farmers and prices charged from consumers to
their advantage. Farmer’s income falls well short of potential because of the
high cost of intermediation.
Intermediaries corner the profits even when
market prices are high because of supply shortages, denying farmers most of the
upside in prices. Returning to the Tur example, following severe rainfall
deficit in 2015, in Jan 2016, the retail prices in Bengaluru climbed to 170/kg.
However the farmers with reduced quantities to sell were getting only a price
of between 90-98/kg in the Kalaburgi mandi.
The returns below MSP to the farmer along
with the high intermediation costs point to a market failure. The debt of the
Indian farmer is a consequence. NSS70 estimates that small and tiny farmers -
with 1 ha or less of land constituting nearly 70% of agricultural households -
on average earned income less than consumption expenditure.
Unsurprisingly, 52% of agricultural
households were indebted in 2013 with an average outstanding loan of Rs 47,000.
Across farmers, 40% of the borrowing was from non-institutional sources such as
money lenders, shop keepers etc, typically paying high interest.
The debt incurred by farmers is for buying
seeds and fertilizer and other inputs, the working capital if you please, and
to meet consumption expenditure. The low returns on average means that the
farmer is never able to repay his debt. It also means that there is very little
investment in agriculture.
Why the
market does not work for the farmer
It does not require rocket science to spot
the reasons for this market failure.
The basic hypothesis of the ‘market’ is that
any producer will produce and sell only at a price where he makes profit. This
unfortunately is not true for India’s farmers.
Firstly, there is the issue that is common
to agriculture everywhere in the world. Unlike in industry where producers get
continuous price signals and can react by stepping up (or down) production,
farmers have no control over production once they have sown the seeds. The
production cycle once set in motion has to be carried through till harvest
irrespective of what price their produce will eventually fetch. Decisions on
what to produce have to be made based on expectation of future price. If the
expectation proves wrong, the farmer is faced with losses.
Coming specifically to Indian agriculture,
there are tighter constraints.
India’s 90 million agricultural households
(as of 2013) work tiny pieces of land - 85% work less than 2 hectares - mostly
lacking irrigation and dependent on rainfall. They have limited choice on what
they can grow under these conditions. Soil type, rainfall, climate are the
determinants. There are of course exceptions to this rule such as the farmers
who have irrigation in the Punjab or the sugarcane belt of UP.
Farmers do not have the option to stop farming
as they are mostly already in debt, there are no other job options available
and the income from farming is essential for survival. This means that farmers will
continue to produce the crops they have done season after season and in
particular, try to increase production as the only way known to them to maximise
income. At best, they will choose to grow crops (if they have do have a
choice), based on expectation of future prices.
The lack of access of farmers to storage
facilities means that on harvest, they have no other option but to sell even
their non-perishable crops at whatever price they get.
Farmers as a whole have no pricing power,
no ability to reduce production even if the sale of their produce is not
profitable. They are also often beholden to the very traders with whom they trade
for these traders would have helped them through the production cycle with
short term loans, transport and storage.
In the backdrop of the fundamental
asymmetry in the economic standing of farmers and traders, regulations intended
to protect farmers interests do not work. Traders effectively control the
regulated mandis, cartelize with ease
and set prices. The farmers are aware of this but have no option but to play
along.
Do
farmers need out-of-the-box ideas?
How is this situation to be remedied? There
are two diametrically opposite views.
In the view of what one may call the “free
marketers”, what farmers need are alternate channels to the regulated mandis to sell their crops. With full
freedom to sell to whomever they please, the claim is that farmers will be able
to get the best prices. The hopes for establishing these alternate channels are
pinned on big corporations.
The BJP government put together a ‘model’
regulation for allowing alternate channels in agricultural marketing in 2003
and the Congress government framed the rules to go with the regulation in 2006.
Most states adopted these changes in the following years.
We will defer a detailed discussion to a
subsequent piece, but suffice it to say that 12 years after the wholesale
agricultural market was opened up to corporate India, there is no appreciable
change in the way the market functions or the returns that farmers get.
The
fact is that the basic lack of pricing power among farmers does not change when
they deal with corporations instead of traders. Also, there is no reason to
assume that the margins that corporations make because of bringing in greater
efficiency in the supply chain will be shared with farmers. Corporations are not going to bail out farmers.
The state therefore must intervene! It needs to weigh in on the side of farmers
so that they have better pricing power. This requires the extension of MSP to
all major produce and active government procurement to ensure these price
floors hold. This is the safety net the farmers need.
It requires small market yards and storage
facilities that are easily accessible to the farmers. It requires use of
technology and better governance of agricultural markets to inhibit cartels and
bring transparency. It requires supply chains in the public sector to compete
with the private supply chains.
But all this is well known.
Addressing policy planners at a recent
meeting organized by the agriculture ministry, the Prime Minister was reported
calling for “hackathons” in the IIT’s for out-of-the-box
ideas to increase farm income.
The ideas and schemes to further the interests
of India’s farmers outlined above have been around for a long time. What is
required is commitment of adequate resources and efficient implementation. That
may also be described as good governance.
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